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WINNING
THE WAR ON TERROR The
Case For A Free Democratic Lebanon December
2003 The
war in Iraq is meant to cut off terrorist support and begin the transformation
of the Arab and Islamic world into a democratic society. But, instead of
weakening the fundamentalists’ resolve, it has galvanized the movement and
provided it with a new focus, and clearly exposed the depth to which the
fundamentalist ideology has penetrated the Moslem world. Over
the past quarter century, the fundamentalists, left unchecked, have managed to
transform the psyche of a large part of the Moslem population to revere
anti-western militancy and revile peaceful coexistence as outright heresy. It
is this mindset that provides the foundation for terrorism, threatens the
Governments of most Arab and Islamic countries and straining our relations in
the region. Thus
today, US vital Middle East and global interests are at more risk than at any
point in recent memory. Terrorist attacks against our troops, interests and
allies are intensifying and the voices of reason in that region are
systematically being silenced. In
invading Iraq, the US crossed the proverbial Rubicon, where a retreat is no
longer an option and the cost of failure is higher than anything we have faced
since WWII. Unless we prevail, the effects on our political and economic
future will be severe and long lasting. Yet,
we face an illusive enemy for whom the standard of success is much lower and
easier to achieve than ours. Islamic militants view Iraq as prime opportunity
to prove their mantel and expand their influence and operating capabilities in
the region. They are operating within a broader longer-term strategy than
Iraq. Theirs is a strategy of deception and illusion that aims to: Ø Discredit US policy and erode its support base in the region and the US. Ø
Discredit
and destabilize regional Governments so that they can rise to power. Ø
Gain
additional ground from which to proceed in transforming the region their way. Ø
Erode
US international credibility and its global standing. Militant
Islamic movements have succeeded in fusing the war in Iraq with the
Arab-Israeli conflict and the opposition to tyrannical rulers into a single
struggle for Islamic rights that they are promoting to the Muslim public. They
feed on the misery and hopelessness of a population that has long suffered
under oppressive regimes with little hope of a better future. The worse
conditions become, the more potent their message and the more support they
receive. In
this light, we must conduct our war beyond the confines of the military and
the borders of Iraq. US strategy must aim to: Ø
Discredit
the fundamentalist movement’s claims and propaganda. Ø
Achieve
decisive victory that asserts US ability to stem and reverse the
fundamentalists’ rise. Ø
Locally
demonstrate the benefits of freedom and democracy and their compatibility with
Islam. Ø
Counter
the prevailing distrust of the US among the local population. Ø
Target
and eliminate the terrorist support infrastructure, training bases and safe
havens. Ø
Guard
against political instability that set the ground for fundamentalists’ rise
to power. Ø Safeguard and strengthen US economic interests in the region. Crossing
the Rubicon When
US troops marched onto Baghdad with the clear objective of eliminating the rule
of terror and beginning the process of democratization in the region, we crossed
the Rubicon and now have no choice but to win decisively. Should
the US fail to stabilize Iraq and achieve a discernable political change in the
region and a significant reduction of the terrorist threat, the consequences
will be far reaching. If the terrorists outlast us and retain or enhance their
pre-war capabilities, they will look victorious in the eyes of the region’s
population. Attacks
against the US and our international interests will rise substantially and our
international relations, particularly in the Middle East, will suffer. Islamic
militants, emboldened by their ability to survive and rebound from the massive
US military assault, will settle for nothing less than gaining full control of
the region’s Governments. Fundamentalists have already succeeded in
discrediting regional Governments as impotent and ineffective and will ride this
overwhelming public disillusionment into power. A
fundamentalist take over of the region’s Governments will have serious
political and economic repercussions on the US for years to come. Politically,
failure to stabilize the region and subdue Islamic militants substantially
erodes America’s superpower status and emboldens others to challenge the US
with little fear of repercussions. Should the terrorist threat persist and grow,
the American public will be extremely hesitant to support future foreign
operations, further reducing our international influence and deterrence. And,
coming on the heels of a heated confrontation with the UN and much of the
international community, the US will be held responsible for any negative
effects of the war. Economically,
the fundamentalists will shift their activity away from the US and towards Asia
and Europe, with a substantial impact on our international trade and corporate
operations. As they gain power, directly or indirectly, they are also likely to
replace the US dollar with the Euro and other currencies as their preferred
international currencies. Such a move, particularly as it involves oil pricing,
will have substantial devaluating effect on the dollar with devastating effects
on the US economy and standard of living. The
Islamic Militants’ Strategy
The
Islamic Militants are operating within a strategy that is much broader than
Iraq. Their goal from the start has been to topple as many Governments in the
Middle East to gain a power base from which they can propagate their Islamic
edicts. They
are taking advantage of the political vacuum in Iraq and the natural opposition
of the surrounding countries to freedom and democracy to infiltrate the country
and capture political power from the bottom up. They are preying on popular
fears and distrust of the US, etched into the collective consciousness through
decade of propaganda. They
realize that every successful attack adds to their credibility and makes their
proclaimed goal of evicting the US from the region ever more believable to the
general public. Those attacks are not designed to militarily defeat the US, but
rather to scuttle any economic and political progress, discredit the whole
process and turn public opinion in the region and the US against it. In this
they are succeeding in eroding local support for US policy and eliminating the
public will to resist the terrorist drive. The Iraqis are now more afraid of
what the terrorists will do to them after we leave than they are interested in
what we can do for them. Support in the US for military involvement also
continues to wane with every additional casualty. While
the bulk of the attacks are taking place in the Sunni triangle, it is a mistake
to construe that to mean that the Sunnis or die-hard Saddam loyalists are the
key players. No doubt ex-regime members are involved as are the Sunnis who fear
a Shiite and Kurd dominated Iraq. However, Shiite fundamentalists have been
extremely active in the insurgency, while hiding behind a well orchestrated
deceptive strategy. They intentionally keep their activity within the Baghdad
and central region to keep the coalition chasing shadows of Saddam while they
build their networks and consolidate their power base. The
tens of thousands of Iraq fundamentalists who returned from Iran after the war
along with scores of Iranian and Hizbullah advisers are just as opposed to the
US plan as the Sunni fundamentalists. They have spent the past eight months
building their political infrastructure, while insuring that all potential
relations between the US and the Sunni elite are forever broken. Now they no
longer fear a repeat of 1991, where they rose too quickly and spooked the US,
which turned back to Saddam with devastating consequences. As such, we are now
witnessing the Shiites asserting their voices, demanding an Islamic Iraq and
undermining the establishment of a pro-Western Iraq from within the system.
Islamic
militants have also intensified their activity in neighboring countries with a
particular emphasis on Saudi Arabia, which they view as another critical front
in their war against the US. Using the Governments’ acquiescence to the
invasion of Iraq and failure to face up to Israel, the militants are gaining
political ground and coming dangerously close to toppling several regimes. The
Risks of Failure
The
power struggle in Saudi Arabia between the Government and Islamic insurgents has
reached a breaking point, with the royal family literally fighting for its life.
That struggle is directly affected by fundamentalists’ successes in Iraq and
is viewed by the Islamists as part of the same war for control of the region.
Should fundamentalists take control of Saudi Arabia and establish a permanent
presence in Iraq, the smaller Gulf States will soon follow as they get wedged
between Saudi Arabia, Iraq and Iran. On
the Western front, the Syrian Government has been the most ardent supporter of
the Iraqi insurgency to prevent a pro-American democracy from taking hold.
However, a fundamentalist victory in Iraq, especially if coupled with the fall
of the Saudi royal family, will make the Syrian regime the next target. The
fundamentalists have never concealed their opposition to the secular Syrian
regime and have always argued that theirs is an alliance of convenience and
temporary interests. Thus,
if fundamentalism takes hold in Iraq, the Assad regime will be viewed as a
hindrance to their regional domination as opposed to the asset it has been
considered so far, particularly if fundamentalism gains the upper hand in other
countries as well. A fundamentalist regime in Damascus will become the preferred
choice that creates a continuum from Iran to the Mediterranean. Yet,
unlike Saudi Arabia, Assad does not have the Islamic credentials to fight the
Islamic militants head on without risking an immediate collapse of his regime.
Assad cannot be counted on to do what the Saudi family is doing. As such the
Syrians will continue to support the fundamentalists and work to keep them
fragmented in Iraq to prevent them from becoming a threat to Syria. However,
given the geographic and demographic nature of Iraq, this strategy is doomed to
fail. Iraq has a Shiite majority that is contiguous with Iran over which Syria
has little leverage. Should the US fail to stabilize Iraq, an Iranian style
theocracy is almost guaranteed to immerge, putting the Syrian regime directly in
the line of fire. The
war with Israel is the third primary element of the strategy and the one that
provides the fundamentalists with their strongest popular appeal. Proclaiming
their goal to liberate Jerusalem and sustaining their attacks against Israel at
any cost gives them the necessary credibility and broad appeal they need to
carry on their war throughout the region. Israel also grants them the
justification to turn their guns on the Governments of Syria and Jordan as a
necessary step to reach Israel. Even
if we manage to maintain a hold on most of Iraq, the regional strategy of the
Islamic militants is to surround and isolate our Iraqi presence to make it
untenable to sustain on the long run. US
Policy
In
its attempt to appease regional tyrants who controlled the world’s largest oil
reserves, and believing that freedom and democracy were incompatible with the
region’s culture, the free world, lead by the US, contributed to the rise in
Islamic fundamentalism. For
too long Washington argued that dictators are the best guard against
fundamentalism, ignoring all arguments that dictators and the lack of freedom
were the main breeding ground for fundamentalism. Middle Eastern regimes created
a state of hopelessness among their people that made any alternative look
appealing. With all venues for voicing their opinions closed, the Mosques and
radical preachers became the only alternative. The
tyrants controlled the terrorists in the most expeditious and safe way they
knew, by diverting their attacks against other countries including the US. The
tyrants we accepted and supported deflected any criticism of their policies
towards the west and the US arguing that it was us who are preventing
development and progress in the Moslem world, which contributed to the prevalent
distrust and hatred of the US. That
policy has changed with the realization that appeasement and accommodation only
lead to bolder attacks and more terror. This policy change has set the stage for
a true victory over terror and the implementation of democracy. However, victory
can only be achieved by countering the full spectrum of the war waged against us
in all its aspects. Most
importantly, we need a clear victory that earnestly begins the process of
reversing the reign of terror and undoing the underpinnings of global terrorism. Regional
Strategy
Democracy
and a free economy require a long time to materialize in a fragmented country
like Iraq that has never known either. The process is made even harder by the
destabilizing effect of terrorist operations. Should we make Iraq the measuring
stick of our success, we will be setting ourselves up for failure as Islamic
militants destabilize Iraq and the region and surround us with Islamic regimes. Thus,
as we face an enemy with a broad regional war strategy, the US will be remiss to
confine its counter offensive to Iraq. The US should broaden its strategy
regionally to eliminate the main breeding grounds for militants obstructing the
rebuilding of Iraq and the peace process, support existing democracies and
gradually introduce freedoms in a way that sustains stability and prevents power
vacuums that risk being filled by the only organized political movements -
fundamentalists. The
economic prosperity that results from nurturing and introducing freedoms also
infuses hope into the region’s population that counters the fundamentalist’s
image as the only way out from the current hopeless conditions of oppression and
destitution. A
decisive reduction in terrorist capabilities and a visible infusion of democracy
and freedom in the Middle East will also vindicate the US, even if democracy
takes time to materialize in Iraq, and will help safeguard US interests and
provide a base for continued involvement. Hunting
down individual operatives without shutting down the training bases is doomed to
failure, as the supply of new recruits is certain to exceed the rate at which we
can find and eliminate them. Tracking and cutting off funding has also proven
futile, as the fundamentalists rely on contributions from millions of supporters
from around the world, the majority of which come from legitimate businesses and
do not directly relate to any terror operations. Much of the money goes towards
apparently benign charities and social services, which form the primary venue
for Islamic indoctrination that broadens the militants support base and pool of
potential recruits. Money
and willing recruits require venues that use the money to train the militants,
provide them with safe havens from which they can attack and deliver the
necessary logistical support. The
two most effective war tactics are 1) Disruption of the enemy’s command and
control centers and supply lines and 2) psychological warfare that weakens the
enemy’s resolve to fight. These are even more critical in the war on terror. First
the foot soldiers are much harder to find and neutralize, making the need to
disrupt the supply lines and command centers ever so much more critical. Second
the fundamentalists depend to a large extent on psychological intimidation. If
the public believes they are winning, no one will stand in the way of their
bloodthirsty drive and many begin to drift into their camp. However, should the
mayhem they create prove to no avail, then they lose support and face stiff
local opposition. While
terrorism is a global problem with multiple operating centers and sources of
support, none compare to Syrian occupied Lebanon in potency and importance to
global terrorism. Yet, none is easier to eliminate, as Lebanon remains the soft
underbelly of global terrorism. The
Lebanon Front
Supporting
the re-emergence of democracy and freedom in Lebanon is the least costly,
fastest and most effective starting point for countering the regional Islamic
militant offensive and reversing their expansion. In
Lebanon, we can count on an overwhelming majority with a deep-rooted commitment
to freedom and existing democratic institutions that merely need to be release
from their bondage and allowed to function properly. The timing of the upcoming
Presidential and Parliamentary elections presents an ideal opportunity to
resurrect democracy in Lebanon with minimal risk. In
helping resurrect democracy and freedom in Lebanon and eliminating the free
reign of the fundamentalists, we: Ø
Establish
a clear showcase for democracy in the region. Ø
Eliminate
one of the most effective terrorist support and logistical centers. Ø
Substantially
reduce the regional and global terrorist threat. Ø
Deal
a severe psychological blow to Islamic militancy and discredit their victory
claims. Ø
Enhance
the chances of success in building a modern Iraq and reaching peace in Israel. Ø
Enhance
security and guard against political instability that serves only the
terrorists. Ø
Secure
a critical political and economic foothold that enhances our leverage in the
region. Furthermore,
by using the UN as the primary venue for undoing the rule of terror in Lebanon,
we will reunite the international community, particularly the free world,
broaden and strengthen the anti-terror alliance and reassert US global
leadership. Terror’s
Soft Underbelly
The
overwhelming majority of Lebanese from all sects are ardently opposed to Islamic
militancy and detest the conditions those organizations have created in the
country. The Lebanese are deeply committed to freedom and coexistence with a
long history of democracy and institutional government. This
makes the elimination of the crucial terror hub in Lebanon a much easier task
than any other. The unanimous international consensus in support of Lebanon’s
sovereignty and removal of illegal armed operations, coupled with multiple UN
resolutions and UN forces on the ground further simplifies the process and
enhances the chances for success. In
addition, the Syrian Government is in no position to challenge the international
community at this point and will be angling for any deal that would insure its
survival. And, the long-standing Arab Governmental opposition to eliminating
Islamic militants from Lebanon has all but disappeared as those Governments face
local Islamic insurgencies supported from the Lebanese bases. In
Lebanon our enemies are largely imported and imposed on the population. The
removal of foreign dominance will result in a spontaneous re-emergence of a
democratic free society that would lead the way in furthering the cause of
freedom throughout the region. Lebanon
does not require a massive invasion or a large deployment of US resources to
achieve success. A clear commitment by the international community to support
the Lebanese in their quest for sovereignty and rule of law will suffice to
unshackle the existing opposition to change the situation from within. If
the will to implement UN resolutions exists, the mandate of the existing
contingent of UN troops in Lebanon can be expanded to monitor and support the
re-establishment of democracy and eliminating terrorist camps, including
monitoring upcoming elections to insure true representation away from Syrian
dictate. Setting
The Standard
Lebanon
has long been the place where regional standards are set. Up until the 1970s
Lebanon set the standard for development, freedom and democracy. So effective
was Lebanon’s example that it triggered a profusion of movements in the region
attempting to emulate the Lebanese experience in their own countries. Sadly,
those movements soon found themselves exiled in Lebanon, the only country that
truly allowed them the freedom to voice their opinions. But, that too was short
lived. Threatened by the Lebanese example of freedom and democracy, regional
leaders set out to eliminate that threat. In this, the region’s dictators
found common cause with Islamic fundamentalists who opposed democracy due to its
lack of adherence to their strict interpretation of Islamic law. The
war helped channel the fundamentalist movement away from other Governments and
give it a new focus where it can be supported without the risk of rebellion.
Portraying the war in Lebanon as a religious war also served to camouflage the
attack on freedom and gain the support and acceptance of the region’s
population, which was lead believe that the war was in defense Muslim freedoms. Resurrecting
the democratic process will allow Lebanon to once again serve as an example and
support base for regional reform and democratic forces and re-introduce hope
that change is possible outside Islamic militancy. Lebanon
offers an ideal launching pad for democracy and freedom and a perfect show case
for the benefits that come with such political change. Unlike other countries in
the region, Lebanon has existing democratic institutions and a deep commitment
to freedom and the rule of law. This allows for an expedient resurrection of a
free society with minimal hurdles providing a strong vindicating argument for
the US objectives against claims that we are only there for the oil. Lebanon
has extensive economic capacity both resident and expatriate and existing laws
to regulate a free economy that allows for a quick economic resurgence with
minimal foreign infusion of funds. The economic growth and prosperity resulting
from freeing Lebanon can be showcased to the region as the true benefit of
democratization. Lebanon’s
expected fast economic recovery will showcase the benefits of freedom and
democracy in clear contrast to the economic stagnation during Hizbullah’s and
Syria’s reign. It clearly illustrates that the mayhem they create only makes
life miserable for their people, while resulting in no discernable benefit. Resurrecting
democracy in Lebanon will also provide an example of clear compatibility between
democracy and Islam, as the Moslem half of Lebanon enjoys freedoms and
prosperity. Lebanon brings the principle of democracy home, where it will no
longer be a foreign Western ideology. Reversing
The Triumph of Terror
The
rise of Islamic terrorism began almost three decades ago in Beirut with
Palestinian terrorists blowing up planes and killing diplomats in the early 70s.
International reaction and response to those attacks set the stage for bolder
attacks that culminated in the free world openly ceding control of Lebanon to
the terrorists lead by Hizbullah and the Assad regime of Damascus after the
attacks on the US Marines and French barracks. Hizbullah’s
apparent victory in Lebanon in 1983 stands out as the most important military
and psychological turning point in the rise of Islamic fundamentalism. In
allowing terrorists to win in Lebanon, the free world helped set a new standard
that illustrated the effectiveness of terror against a clearly much stronger
adversary. The Hizbullah example gave credence to Islamic terrorism, and became
the main propaganda tool in recruiting and mobilizing Islamic militants,
including Afghanistan, Sudan, Somalia, Bosnia, Kossovo, Chechnya, Israel, Iraq,
the Arabian peninsula and even New York and Washington. The
apparent victory of Hizbullah in Lebanon, first against the multi-national
forces in 1983 and then Israel, became the guiding light for other terrorists
around the world. The Palestinians were quick to emulate Hizbullah’s tactics
in hopes of achieving the same success in evicting Israel from their land. And
now Islamic militants in Iraq are following the same path, while Saudi Arabia
and Turkey are facing similar insurgencies. Defeating
and eliminating the reign of terror in Lebanon and cutting Hizbullah back to
size will clearly illustrate to the Iraqis, Palestinians and others the fleeting
nature of Islamic militancy. This will be particularly potent if Hizbullah is
cut back through free elections that demonstrate the public’s exacerbation
with their political tyranny. Shutting
Down The Terror Nexus
Over
the past 25 years the Syrians and Iranians have transformed Lebanon into the
main terrorist breeding ground and support infrastructure for regional and
global terrorism. In
Lebanon new recruits from around the world combine with funding and military
know-how before being dispatched to their ultimate target, including Iraq,
Israel and the US. Today, Syrian occupied Lebanon is the main source of support
for terror operations in both Iraq and Israel. Recruits from around the world
arrive in Lebanon to be trained, equipped and transferred to Iraq to fight US
soldiers. Hizbullah is also beginning to overshadow Hamas and Islamic Jihad –
themselves, Damascus based and Hizbullah trained - in the Palestinian
territories with its flags waving high in every public gathering and funeral.
Furthermore,
in Lebanon terrorist organizations meet and cooperate away from the glaring eyes
of the world intelligence community. Hizbullah, with Syrian and Iranian support,
has used its success in Lebanon to launch an effort to unify the global Islamic
fundamentalists, reaching out to every terrorist organization for cooperation
and coordination. Beginning with operatives in the Palestinian territories and
Afghanistan and passing through Bosnia, Kossovo, Chechnya and Somalia, the
effort culminated in a global conference in Beirut in early 2001, whereby
Islamic terrorists pledged to work together as one against the “infidel” US
lead West, a few months before 9/11. As
an open society Lebanon allows individuals, funds and materials to move freely
and provides the main base for the terrorist propaganda machine, including
Hizbullah’s Al-Manar satellite TV and radio station. Without such extensive
support networks and safe havens, all the potential recruits and donors will be
unable to launch attacks against US interests. Shutting
down this terror nexus in Lebanon will deprive both Iraqi and Palestinian
operations of their prime source of support and make a speedy resolution of both
problems much more likely. Without access to Lebanon, terror benefactors will
lose much of their capability to launch attacks and undermine peace and freedom
in the region and internationally. Psychological
Effect
The
fundamentalists’ victory in Lebanon also has a potent psychological effect on
Islamists, since the overwhelming majority of the Lebanese vehemently oppose
fundamentalism and whole-heartedly espouse freedom, democracy and coexistence.
As such, Lebanon was considered the least likely to fall under fundamentalist
dominion. Yet terror tactics were allowed to prevail and gain the acceptance and
deference of the international community. The
lessons learned by other Islamic movements were simple. If terror can get the
free world to turn its back on a people with whom it shares so much common
values and beliefs and a country with as high an economic and cultural value to
their cause in the Middle East, then the fight is bound to be much easier in
places with deep Islamic traditions and little common ground with the West. Islamists
also viewed the fight in Lebanon as one against Israeli interests who did not
want a fundamentalist state on its border. Thus, success in Lebanon carries much
more psychological value than the size of Lebanon would otherwise suggest. Thus,
the psychological impact on global terrorism from ending Hizbullah’s reign of
terror in Lebanon will be immeasurable. As the glaring terrorist success story,
Hizbullah’s defeat and elimination sends the clearest message to terrorist and
their potential supporters world wide that theirs is a loosing battle. It will
take the wind out of the Islamic movement’s propaganda that continuously
showcases Hizbullah as the example to emulate. Political
and Economic Gateway
Lebanon
represents a prime gateway to the region on the Eastern Mediterranean for all
aspects of US economic, political and military involvement. Gaining economic
access to the Middle East through Lebanon also provides added political leverage
as US businesses establish alternate operations centers that reduce dependency
on any one regime and the risk associated with instability. Even
under the current conditions, Lebanon continues to serve as the prime gateway
for US economic relations with the Middle East, as asserted by most US
corporations who insist that they cannot operate in the region without Lebanon.
A Lebanon freed politically will quickly regain its pre-war capabilities to help
secure and expand US economic interests in the region and serve as a major
economic and financial center for regional operations. The Lebanese extensive
and established business operations and excellent relations throughout the
region provide any business operating in Lebanon with a broad network that helps
facility regional operations and expansions. Lebanon
will offer a clear alternative to the Gulf economic gateway making US economic
interests less dependent on those countries, giving the US much more leverage in
its regional relations and insuring economic interests against the risk of
instability. Lebanon
also affords US companies with established and well-developed banking and
financial services that are crucial for business operations. The highly skilled
Lebanese work force with extensive operations and relations throughout the
region is an ideal partner for strengthening and expanding US business and
economic relations. Together
with the strong relations in the Gulf States, Lebanon offers substantial
economic opportunities, many of which have already been explored and tabled due
to the militant operations in Lebanon. Among those are direct Port-Rail-Port
transport system between Beirut and Dubai, which reduces the time and cost of
shipments between the Mediterranean and the Gulf by more than 30% and eliminates
the risk of going through the sues canal and the straights of Aden bottle necks.
Oil pipelines to the Mediterranean represent another economic and cost saving
opportunity. The full list of economic benefits is beyond the scope of this
paper. In
addition, Lebanon is a part of both the Euro-Med agreement and the Arab Free
Trade agreement and has preferential trade relations with dozens of other
countries in Europe, Asia, Africa and even Latin America. Those agreements make
Lebanon an ideal operating center and partner for US companies seeking to do
business in these countries. On
the political front, the extensive Lebanese personal relations in the region,
particularly the Syrian, Palestinian and Iraqi people and the large expatriate
populations from those countries residing in Lebanon and experiencing freedom
would facilitate the transfer of the Lebanese experience into those countries
and make establishing democracies there much more probable. Lebanon
can serve as a center for regional forums that develop and implement strategies
for liberalizing the region in ways that remain compatible with the local
cultures and guard against instability. From Lebanon democracy can make its way
into the region in a more subtle manner, not as a foreign imposition that must
be opposed. After all, Lebanon is the historical birthplace of democracy. The
Syrian Dimension
The
Syrian regime is the main culprit in transforming Lebanon from a shining example
of freedom and democracy to the main nexus of terror. Although the Syrian regime
is essentially secular, it owes its existence and prominence to its support of
Islamic terrorists. Syria
has transformed itself from a poor backwaters country into a major international
player simply through its sponsorship of terror. Today, the world turns to Syria
with deference only because of the damage the Syrian regime can do through its
terrorist tentacles. Syria has kept Islamic organizations safely in Lebanon to
avoid confronting them in Syria, maintain deniability and avoid accountability. More
importantly, terrorism is the mainstay of Syria’s occupation of Lebanon and
the main source of income valued at over $10 Billion annually to a country which
otherwise should be bankrupt. The Syrian regime receives billions of dollars
annually from Islamic terror benefactors in return for its sponsorship of
operations in and through Lebanon. Syria further siphons billions of dollars
from the Lebanese economy and the narcotics trade it sponsors in the Bekaa
valley. The
Syrian regime should not be expected to spontaneously relinquish this economic
and political windfall and risk a potential collapse of the regime by directly
confronting the fundamentalists. The potential loss of trade with the US pales
in comparison and is likely to have no effect on Syria’s policies. Without its
support for terrorism that allows its occupation of Lebanon, Syria loses its
value for terrorist benefactors, its access to the billions its siphons from
Lebanon and its political clout that comes with the terrorist network it
maintains in Lebanon. However,
the Syrian regime is facing a serious dilemma as the success of the terrorist it
supported is now beginning to pose a direct threat to its rule. This creates a
golden opportunity to alter Syria’s policies and gain a major victory in the
war on terror. The Syrian regime is in a very week bargaining position and
susceptible to approaches that will avoid the sudden death it faces from
confronting the fundamentalists or allowing them to proceed with their regional
strategy. A
free, democratic and economically stable Lebanon with solid international
commitment can form the bases for gradually transforming Syria while avoiding a
potentially destabilizing collapse of the regime. The Assad regime can be
offered a face saving exit in which Syria eases out of Lebanon and accepts the
reformulation of its economic and political relations with Lebanon in a way that
saves his regime and guarantees economic survival. Currently,
the only organized political groups that can replace Assad are Islamic
fundamentalists, which make any move towards democracy extremely risky. However,
through Lebanon and the large Syrian expatriate community there, new political
movements can immerge coupled with economic capabilities that can gradually make
their way into the Government structure. Given the dire alternative of facing
the fundamentalists’ guns, Assad can be convinced to open up to such political
movements and retain a role in Syria’s future. As
countries like Saudi Arabia battle fundamentalist insurgencies, Assad’s
abandonment of the fundamentalists in Lebanon will have a positive effect on
Syria’s relations with those countries rather than the negative effect it
would have had in recent years. Economically, the Syrians will need to replace
the billions they reap from terror operations, lest they face certain rebellion
from a starving population that will be openly susceptible to fundamentalist
propaganda. A
prosperous and vibrant Lebanese economy that serves as a gateway for Western
businesses in the region will have a substantial effect on the Syrian economy on
many levels. Lebanese based companies, domestic and foreign can take advantage
of Syria’s low labor costs for basic materials and labor and help infuse
substantial needed capital into the country. Syria also benefits from transit
fees for all business conducted through Lebanon to the region as well as having
access to the financial and marketing expertise in Lebanon for Syrian businesses
and products. The
Syrians are already looking to Lebanon for help in liberalizing their economy,
including establishing private banking laws. This process can be accelerated to
allow for faster economic development. Linking the economic aspect to Assad’s
openness to new democratic political forces and changing its policies will
insure Syria’s ultimate transformation into a more liberal and open society
away from the rejectionist position it now holds. Finally,
a liberalized Syria will require massive rebuilding to bring it into the twenty
first century, which opens up lucrative opportunities that are more likely to go
to American companies if the democratic forces in Syria owe their resurgence to
the US. Ideal
Timing
Elections
schedules in Lebanon make this the ideal time to peacefully free Lebanon from
the Syrian-Iranian stranglehold and allow the rule of law and freedom to
re-emerge. Both presidential and Parliamentary elections are scheduled for next
year, which would also necessitate a new Government, effectively providing for a
total replacement of the Lebanese Governing body. The
Syrians have unconstitutionally expanded Parliament’s mandate by nine months
to insure that the next president is elected by the current Parliament, which
they are sure they control. The Syrians are now angling to have the Parliament
unconstitutionally extend the president’s mandate. Under
UN supervision and with clear international commitment to Lebanon’s
sovereignty, the unconstitutional Parliamentary extension should be rescinded
allowing for election in early summer of 2004 that produce a truly
representative Parliament. The
Parliament will them elect the new President in early fall 2004, who in turn
will be representative of the public will. Together, the Parliament and
President appoint a new Government of the same caliber. The
timing allows for a speedy transformation of Lebanon back into a fully
functioning democracy without the need to unseat Governments or military
invasions. Using
existing UN mandates and international forces to oversee the process also avoid
the potential contentious opposition that the US could face by doing it alone
and re-establishes America’s uncontested global leadership. Even the most avid
opponents of democracy will have a hard time developing an argument against
granting the Lebanese their freedom under international supervision. Lebanon’s
New Government
Lebanon’s
new Government will have a clear internationally backed mandate to:
NALA
Policy Committee: Ziad Nassar, Joseph L Boohaker, Toufic Nassif, Toufic Baaklini,
Ghassan Raad |